1987: Needed — an alternative stock market

The Lost Stories

Remembering Bill in print — the legacy of Bill Mollison from the pages of the Permaculture International Journal
The Lost Stories are Bill Mollison’s articles published in the print magazine originally named Permaculture, then International Permaculture Journal and finally the Permaculture International Journal that was published between 1978 and 2000.
All stories and other content © Permaculture Australia unless otherwise noted. ……….

1987: An alternative stock market needed

1987, Edition 26, Permaculture

…Bill Mollison

Published as an article in World Visions … and realities

MANY MORE PEOPLE would invest money in ethical systems, even if they obtained less interest, if there was an easily-accessed set of choices.
Insofar as returns on investment goes, the actual record is that ethical portfolios actually pay better than the other kind, so it is simply good sense to invest in good works.
Any wise broker or investor spreads the risk, and some of the many areas that people can invest in today are:
Projects

  • actually managed by individuals or family
  • groups, eg. forestry or aquaculture projects
  • managed by a consultancy or development team, eg. village development on land purchased for that purpose.

Personal or household loans

  • to build a new or energy-efficient house
  • to retrofit an energy inefficient home or replace inefficient equipment.

Equity in ethical business — generally, a spread of investment over:

  • existing businesses
  • venture or developmental capital to research or start up businesses.

Purchase of threatened environments 

  • purchase for preservation and research, trusts and gift status or revalued annually for unit resale of unit investments (you can buy tropical rainforest for as low as $4 per acre in Brazil).
  • purchase for rehabilitation and management, eg. putting buffalo back onto a prairie.

Development Projects 

  • the actual purchase and development of lands for aquaculture, villages, special crop, forests.

Setting-up

How can we set up our stock exchange?
First, all ventures need a short prospectus outlining amount needed, project, costs and timing to return, expected profits (modestly stated).
These then need listing with central brokerages or money-collecting centres where they can be put on computer for print-out (prospectus can be called for by investors). In each country a few centres can exchange computer disks, and for each project one of these centres accumulates or collects the capital until the amount needed is gathered. The project is then closed for investment and monies are routed to other unfilled projects or to a central fund for land purchase and development by our trustworthy consultants. Monies are recouped by products, sales and leases.
The ‘epicentres’ are ideal brokerage places where people can come to invest and borrow. The computer (modem or telex) can link centres and the consultancy services can assess prospectuses, develop properties, encourage and find new prospects.
We should all try to develop such a system of active and widespread investments and their associated centres and linkages.

1987: A village development alliance

The Lost Stories

Remembering Bill in print — the legacy of Bill Mollison from the pages of the Permaculture International Journal
The Lost Stories are Bill Mollison’s articles published in the print magazine originally named Permaculture, then International Permaculture Journal and finally the Permaculture International Journal that was published between 1978 and 2000.
All stories and other content © Permaculture Australia unless otherwise noted. ……….

1987: A village development alliance

1987, Edition 26, Permaculture

…Bill Mollison

Published as an article in World Visions … and realities

SEVERAL GRADUATES and associations show a keen interest in developing or redeveloping villages and setting up a village alliance offering services, trade, accommodation and exchange of data and personnel.
Carl Winge (Seattle USA) and the Permaculture Services groups are interested to hear from people wishing to set up investment trusts for specific developments. The consultancy services as a whole are interested in working with existing villages to redesign and develop new concepts and employment opportunities. We envision a world permaculture village federation with a great potential for mutual aid and exchange, trade and education.
Max Lindegger and Geoff Young in Australia have projects in Queensland (Crystal Waters) and Fiji; the Earthbank group in Maui are also keen to develop a village in Hawaii; Dan McGrath in Oregon, Alan Campbell in New Mexico and other graduates have expressed a keen interest in any such development.
People interested in investment, work or residence can register their interest with Carl in the US, and we hope that he reports here or that others report to this journal.
Indian and Nepalese graduates are keen to assist existing villages. In the USA, Mike Corbett at Village Homes, with long experience in village design and all associated problems, has offered to assist in consultancy. Village Homes is well-established and can offer facilities to any future network.
We are suggesting a Village Development Group — finances, planners, consultants, residents meet as a subsection at all future congresses and plan better communications. Smaller projects between village locations can use networks of trade and market.
We can develop a global ‘string of beads’ with a little organisational effort, giving more outlets for village enterprises and taking advantage of group and financial power.

Recent Notes:

The Earthbank Society was an Australian initiative of permaculture practitioners in the 1980s. It was set up to develop the then-emerging ethical or social investment movement and community economic initiatives.
Village Homes was an early urban subdivision in the US that integrated productive landscape and energy-efficient dwellings: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Village_Homes?wprov=sfsi1
The village development alliance proposed by Bill can be seen as analogous to the later Global Ecovillage Network in which one of the developers of Crystal Waters Permaculture Village, Max Lindegger, has played a prominent role: https://ecovillage.org/

Introducing: The Lost Stories — Bill Mollison's articles from PIJ

It was at the permaculture day and Permaculture Australia annual meeting in Nimbin, Northern NSW last May that permaculture educator and Permaculture Australia board member, Robyn Francis, raised the idea of republishing Bill Mollison’s writing in the pages of Permaculture International Journal. I had thought of doing this before but had done nothing about it. Robyn’s mention of the idea was the motivation I needed to get going.

Bill Mollison at Australasian Permaculture Convergence 9 in Sydney, NSW, 2009. Photo: ©Russ Grayson, Sydney, 2009.
The rationale is simple. Permaculture International Journal, PIJ as it was commonly known, was published between 1978 and 2000. Bill Mollison, one of the co-inventors of the permaculture design system with David Holmgren, wrote for the print magazine. But with the publication gone this past 18 years his writing, like that of the many who published in the pages of PIJ, is lost. Bill’s words exist only on the yellowing pages of editions kept by long-time permaculture practitioners.

The long tail of online articles

Unlike print magazines, online publishing keeps the long tail of past articles alive and makes them more accessible than they were in print. So it was that on returning from that Nimbin meeting I set about scanning the pages of the PIJs I have, a far from complete set I should point out, with an app on my iPad. This converted the image of text-on-page into editable text-on-screen. Far from perfect in its conversion, there remained much editing to do.
It was the same with the photographs in PIJ. These were half-tones, a format that used ink dot size and density to delineate lighter and darker areas in black and white images on the printed page. Photographed, the pictures on the screen appear grainy. It was better to have imperfect images rather than none at all.

A contribution to global permaculture practice

Bill did not write for every edition of PIJ. He kept a busy schedule, travelling within Australia as well as internationally to consult on permaculture design solutions, teach permaculture and developing, first, the Tagari community project in Tasmania, then the Permaculture Institute in the subtropical Tweed Valley of Northern NSW. Later, he relocated to Tasmania’s Bass strait coast near Sisters Creek, not far from where he began his varied and inspirational life.
We decided to call the republished articles The Lost Stories to signify their disappearance from the everyday world of permaculture design and, now, their resurrection.
Permaculture Australia believes the republishing of the collected articles of Bill Mollison to be a contribution to what has grown to be a global permaculture movement.
We also offer them on this, a year after Bill’s passing, as a way of remembering Bill and the continuing contribution he has made to creating the potential for a world of abundance and opportunity.
Thanks again Bill.
Russ Grayson, Sydney. September 2017.
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1988: Resources of the Kalahari — Botswana

The Lost Stories are Bill Mollison’s articles published in the print magazine originally named Permaculture, then International Permaculture Journal and finally the Permaculture International Journal that was published between 1978 and 2000.
All stories and other content ©Permaculture Australia unless otherwise noted.

Story by Bill Mollison, 1988. Edition 29.
Feature photo: Bill and Lisa Mollison, Australasian Permaculture Convergence 9, Sydney, 2009. ©Russ Grayson 2009 https://pacific-edge.info

Resources of the Kalahari — Botswana

THE WHOLE THRUST of this report is to value the natural yeilds of fragile systems like the eastern Kalahari, to listen and report on the extensive local knowledge, to care for ordinary people, especially for their nutrition and basic needs for clean air, water and food, and to try to reduce the impact that broadscale agriculture has had in creating deserts.
More food of better quality and value can be obtained from compound gardening and smallholder training than can ever be obtained by large herds or large field crops. All but some 84 percent of the land area of Botswana can be freed from the devastating weight of cattle and crop if rainwater is conserved, producive compound forests grown and high value perennial forages fed to good local strains of livestock.
Or, Botswana can follow Ethiopia and Mauritania into oblivion and take with it the great resources of the Kalahari _ a world loss. This is for the people of Botswana to decide, and their decision needs all the education and information that they and others can bring to it.
It is my strong belief that the innovative development of natural yields and use of local knowledge will ensure survival. To continue with unthinking ‘development’ will obliterate lands and people alike.

The people

Tswana people are vigorous, intelligent, good observers, of a very hospitable and cheerful nature and perceptive in learning new skills. However, past superstitions and a great deal of popular misinformation means that quite hamless animals (lizards, frogs, snakes) are regarded as dangerous, evil or bad, and killed. This ‘zoophobia’ is striking to visitors. It could probably be cured by TV nature programmes and sensible school instruction. Most striped snakes are harmless or beneficial.
One of the unforseen results of this fear of animals is that almost all compounds are beaten flat and swept clean to prevent snakes from approaching unseen. Thus, the towns present the aspect of a hard red desert despite the example of a few (often European) productive gardens and orchards. There are dangerous snakes (mamba, cobras, sand vipers) but also a host of beneficial or harmless snakes that eat termites, slugs, snails and rodents. Many snakes seek refuge from heat or drought in termite mounds or in the rock caves and stony slopes of ridges and cliffs, so care must be taken in these areas.
Thus compound gardens are a rarity although water is available at all settled areas from dams, bores or wells and normal greywater can be used in gardens. One of our strategies was to create domestic shower gardens, pit gardens and vegetable gardens using wastewater and mulch, with conservative water use. Trickle irrgation equipment is scarce and expensive, so we used mulch-filled soak pits for these gardens or placed vines near taps or washwater areas. All the rondavels (thatched huts) and modern homes would benefit from trellis shading to the north and west.

Settlement pattern

All Tswana people of traditional mode (most people not in the City of Gaborone) have three-family settlements or compounds, each one of which consists of a series of three to eight thatched huts and a kitchen hut in a thorn-fenced or hedged compound (liveset Euphorbia tirucallis the ultimate hedge, but goggles must be worn when taking cuttings as the milky sap can blind people if not washed quickly from the eyes). One compound is in town, where much of the dry season is spent.  This means that from March/April to October/ November the main group of people are in settlements.
In a broad zone of up to 30km from town are ‘the lands’. These lands are cultivated for market and sorghum, once tilled carefully by teams of donkeys and oxen but more recently the tractor (costs are subsidised by the government) is used; this can be a three-way disaster. First, because the thorn bushes, once preserved in the fields, are cleared (the fields are ‘de-stumped’, again by government subsidy or drought relief money) and the hot winds can sweep across the bare sandy fields. Secondly, the fields of tractor-owners and their families are enlarged, creating up t 100he of bare soil. Traditional fields are 4-12ha with trees as hedge and intercrop. Lastly and perhaps most disastrously, the tractor operators speed up all phases of cultivation, breaking down the soil structure to ‘snuff’ that blows away even in light winds, thus ruining topsoil’ Soils seal and cake or wash away.
People go to the land just before or after the first rains. The men plough the lands then go on to the more remote cattle posts where large livestock is ranged. The women and children plant and tend the grain crops, weed them, scare off birds (mainly weaver birds) from the ripe grain in summer. The men return to the lands to help with harvest and to cart in the grain to town in February-March, and from then to November only a skeleton crew of (often) San people or Basarwa tend the remote cattle posts. Their ‘wages’ are some milk, perhaps a calf, some clothes and the security of a well or borehole.

Livestock management

At the cattle post (some 30-80 km from town), wells and bore- holes or ponds dug in river sands provide water for livestock. Although the Tswana think of themselves as cattle people, and cattle have great status, there are very few large cattle owners (of more than 30 head) and these are for the main part absentee officials, chiefs on parliamentary people on relatively large salaries.
Most Tswana (60-70 percent) have no cattle and perhaps 25-30 percent  have from three to 30 head. Thus, most of the large livestock of Botswana, perhaps as 80 percent of the national herd, are owned by nine percent or so of people already rich from salary or position. The total herd in 1980  was about three million head. Even though all land is tribal, cattle ownership is therefore unbalanced, and tribal lands stressed or eroded.
Small livestock (mainly goats, but some sheep) are more equitably distributed and form the largest part of the domestic meat consumed. These smaller livestock and a few milk cows and donkeys are kept in and near towns (Gaborone excepted) and of course in remote settlements and family compounds. A very unusual underutilisation of the national herd is evident from census data and abattoir records. Although Botswana just might be able to support 700,000 cattle ‘wet and dry’, the cattle numbers will climb to three million in good seasons without any increase in cattle killed or exported.
Only 200-300,000 cattle are killed annually for export to the EEC as hamburger or boned meat. Thus, wealth is wasted and the country devastated by unused herds — the problem is that large herds are part of high status — and a great dying takes place (as is now happening) every 18-20 years as wells dry up, vegetation is devastated and soils blow away. The main sufferers are the Tswana people, not the bureaucrats who own the herds and who can afford deep bores or expensive wells. Every drought therefore reduces the number of ordinary people who can keep cattle. Every drought kills draught oxen and donkeys and makes it difficult for smallholders to plough their fields. Every drought erodes more soil and destroys more vegetation, thus making recovery more difficult. Drought has a 18.6-20 year cycle as is common everywhere and 15 of the last 19 droughts were El Nino years, with a large blocking high-pressure cell in the South Pacific.

Desertification following drought

In my very sober estimate, Botswana is on the rapid road to permanent desertification via tractors, boreholes and the sustained overstocking of cattle. Another desertification effect comes from large fields without windbreaks.
Another such drought, or this one, will create a true permanent desert of what was (in peoples’ memories) a well-forested land of permanent streams, a great deal of wildlife and abundant food in all seasons. Botswana, as a viable nation, has modernised to near extinction since 1950.
As for the small—stock (established at 8,000,000 head), the goats and sheep, donkeys and chickens so important to the domestic economy have also been increasing the pressure on the every-failing plant resources. Consequently, yields are low, milk production per animal minute and local foodstuffs rare. This is a golden opportunity for South Africa, and the Boers export most market food in Botswana. This despite a not-so-long-ago self-sufficiency and a previously sound range land. The whole real economic position of the Tswana people is therefore precarious, tied as it is to the unstable South African economy which in itself is in a state of change and whose future looks bleak.
Thus our emphasis on the elements of self-reliance — home gardens and compound orchards, high-value intensive fodders for small stock, careful domestic and field rainwater harvest and a decrease in reliance on broadscale grains and beef.
Given careful local economic analysis, a great many jobs can be generated by decreasing reliance on South Africa and by compound gardening trials of high value food and fodder, while the future sale of managed wildlife rather than the dependence on beef (of which there is a world glut) would assure specialist products indefinitely.
It has been clear for several decades that the processes that lead to desertification are rooted in economic-political factors and Botswana still has a narrow chance to use her resources to save herself. But time is not on her side and to ask bureaucrats to change is to wish for the moon.

The role of agencies, bureaucrats and government in desertification

We later note the role of the EEC in the death of herds of game animals by cordon fences, the desertified fields subject to Acacia destumping (removal) for tractor ploughing and the fast-speed cultivation that destroys soil stucture following subsidised mechanisation.
But the most insidious role is played by the development of wells and boreholes by aid money, plus the deforestation of great strips of country as drought relief money is diverted to road building and whole villages employed to cut, burn and waste useful trees to create dust destroyed roads.
The role of over-used wells and bores in desertification is long attested in India, North America, Africa and Australia. Not only are clean groundwaters exhausted and aquifers collapsed, but the larger herds and annual crops developed around these water sources are the main cause of nucleated desertification. Nor are sophisticated analyses of water quality made, so that very dangerous radioactive and mineral pollutants can be brought up to pollute local soils, to be ingested by people or to be washed into streams in flood.
Very narrow, well made, gravelled and winding roads with swales are useful in transport, and clean-water wells ideal for the development of permanent tree crop and domestic water, but the latter do nothing that village roof tanks will not do if rainwater is harvested. Any method of rainwater infiltration is beneficial whereas bores are destructive and tempt people to ignore the realities of cyclic drought, and thus to maintain destructive herds.
Aid, bank and government money should therefore be critically reassessed or these funds will create insoluble future problems. Small local schemes are always preferable to grand policy systems. As for forestry, in it’s pitiful present state it poses a threat via dieldrin that will threaten long term exports. Local sensitive forestry hardly exists.

Next issue: Wafer problem, exotic plants, and insect foods in Botswana.

 

1988: What is effective aid?

The Lost Stories are Bill Mollison’s articles published in the print magazine originally named Permaculture, then International Permaculture Journal and finally the Permaculture International Journal that was published between 1978 and 2000.
All stories and other content ©Permaculture Australia unless otherwise noted.

Story by Bill Mollison, 1988. Edition 29.
Feature photo: Bill Mollison and Robyn Francis, Australasian Permaculture Convergence 9, 2009, Sydney, ©Russ Grayson 2009 https://pacific-edge.info

What is effective aid?

At the 1985 Australian National Permaculture Designers Conference Bill Mollison gave the following talk, having just returned from teaching several courses at Alice Springs in Central Australia. Hard hitting, it describes the situation faced by most Aboriginal communities in Australia. Although some progress has been made in recent years it is not significant enough to make this thought-provoking assessment out of date.

Background

There are about twenty years of active aid programs to review. Broadly speaking, the record has been abysmal. From technological aid to food aid it is difficult to find any successes although the efforts have been enormous and the amounts of money spent very large.
In the Northern Territory in 1985, the budget of $17.6m is supposedly going to Aboriginal communities, yet it is hard to find an area where aid has actually reached anyone in any meaningful sense or solved any real problems.
We have a Third World in Australia. A Third World whose infant mortality is greater than in any other area of the world; a Third World whose spectrum of illness is more severe than it is in any other area of the Third World; a Third World which has a peculiar addition to those illnesses — the modern diseases of affluence — on the top of the diseases of poverty. This is a unique condition.
There is gross malnutrition, no vitamin C testable at all in urine or in mother’s milk. The children are subject to every sort of infection. Seventy percent of the children suffer middle ear infection identifiable by a snotty nose, then bursting eardrums — not once, but three to four times. About the third time the inner ear is rotting, the tympanum is gone and the bones behind are rotting. The skull inside the ear rots also. The lungs become infected. The child can be deaf for life.
Of Aboriginal children, 30 percent have gross malnutrition;all of them have had scabies; all of them have had lice; 63 percent have sugar diabestes; 47 percent of children have kidney damage; some are chronically ill.
The horror story of aid is phenomenal. In any one Aboriginal settlement, if there are a hundred adults at any one time about six of them will be in sufficiently good health to do anything. This means that nowhere within the Aboriginal population is there a significant number of adults to handle any sort of program.
Unless the health level changes nothing else can change. Since 1967, with huge inputs of Government assistance to Aboriginal society, the health level has declined. There is a population sector which will grow up chronically ill. That is, another fifty or eighty years of sick people. The damage done to children before the age of five is so severe that their future as adults is reduced. After 20 years of government assistance health has gone backwards.
One of the reasons is that Aboriginal communities are fairly small. It would be unusual to have 300 people in a community. But government and non-government organisations are in such multitude that there is literally one of them per Aboriginal adult.

The Aboriginal industry

If there is a typical community of seventy people and there are seventy-two government and non—government organisations to serve this community, there is created a Major Disturbance Factor (MDF).
Each group depends for its existence on some input into the Aboriginal community. If there are six or eight people the demands on them and on the unfit people are a major cause of stress. There a about 70 organisations or 60 percent the Northern Terriory so employed.
The Aboriginal industry is enormous. It supports about 30 percent of the public service in some areas where there are Aboriginal communities and easily 30 percent of the commercial business people, particularly those in alcohol and junk food.
So. a lot of people, both public servants and commercial interests, depend for their living on maintaining a basically ill and uninformed group. That is, if the group were neither ill nor uninformed, a very large section of employment would collapse.
The Aid business is enormous. It can be assessed by calculating who employs whom, who draws wages or commercial gain from the business. All sorts of groups view Aborigines and other distressed peoples as their major activity.
The problems in the Aboriginal community are personal and domestic. The responses are public and organisational. Can these responses deal with personal and domestic problems? The whole hierarchical edifice has very few people at the contact point. There may be one or two well-meaning Europeans long in personal contact or with personal knowledge of one Aborigine. The greatest part is out of contact with the clients.

Where the money goes

Most money is expended in the high salary, high administrative area. It is basically absorbed there and minute amounts come to ground level. This is particularly true of government aid. At the interface where people are in contact there is very, very little money, hardly any although the officially designated money is apparently enormous.
In 1984, DAA (Department of Aboriginal Affairs) stated that $4 million out of a total $8 million in CEP grants had been earmarked for Aboriginal gardens in Central Australia. A further analysis was requested since there did not seem to be any gardens. DAA said 80 percent had gone into salaries and most of the remainder into fencing — for what? — for cattle.
So the money earmarked for gardens went into fences for cattle and benefitted white business. The rest went into tree programs. The trees were purchased largely from forestry and other supply centres and planted by CEP teams. But very few were fruit or food trees. After $4m spent there are no gardens. There is still no food in the settlements.
In South Australia in white recorded history, about $4000 was allocated directly for funding for gardens. Managed locally, it banked $40,000. It was very successful aid that got through, and aid that gets through can be very succesful and cheap to fund if it goes directly to an Aboriginal group.

Contact people

In the service area of government, just behind the contact interface, there is a peculiar and unexpected thing which becomes obvious over time. That is, the people who seek employment close to service in the Aboriginal areas are almost all racist. These people generally hate the client population. They are probably in high bureaucracies but just behind contact there is hardly anything else than racists. Not just Aboriginal racists. People who service aid programs almost aways hate the groups they serve. They are there for the high wages with many extras (vehicles, fuel and generous living allowances). Many run a racket. They live off, not with the people.
The problems of aid are rarely logistical problems. They are seldom technological. They are almost always problems of appropriate people for the job. Rarely are these people chosen from the local community of activists.
Another group are the amateurs and failures. People who have not been personally successful. This is their God-given opportunity to make a paid success in contact with people who they consider to be inferior. They are well meaning and fairly plentiful on the ground. They dash off and knit socks for Balinese children.
Now almost by definition, those in constant contact cannot be racists. They would not be in contact and contact would not be sustained. So people in actual contact have to be fairly tolerant and acceptable people. Othenrvise nothing works. No one comes to see you.
These problems are not unique to Aboriginal aid. They are problems not atypical of aid anywhere.
There are no screening programs and appointments are made on flimsy grounds. Very few people come forward as shopkeeper in Aboriginal settlements or rush in as doctors and nurses in hospitals which are basically slaughter houses where people die all the time. You cannot cure the illness because you are dealing With the end results.

What works and what does not work

Short term, anything does not work. The problem are very long term. When planning Aboriginal health today there must be a 100 year plan because it will be that long working with chronically ill people. Long term programs and long term funding works.
There are two grave inpedtments to that. One is our governmental system which is quite incapable of long term anything. There is no certainty that any government will be returned to office longer than three to five years. Very often the opposition does have a policy which means discontinuing the policies of the previous government. The political process is totally unsuited not only to aid but in fact to any long term effective change. It is particularly unsuited to fixing soil erosion  to reafforestation, to aid, to health. So the Government system is a totally ineffective and inappropriate way to deal with such problems which must somehow be solved outside the extremely short term, self-survival interest system of politics.
Public bodies don’t work. Their main concern is with their own survival. There is no genuine concern to cure a client when it is the end of their career. It the problem is fixed you do not need a department.
Much volunteerism is too amateurish and short term. It generally doesn’t work.
Occasionally, official self-help works by accident. That is, Aboriginal aid departments or Aboriginal policy units. However, irrespective of how many at these are set up they appear increasingly ineffective. In fact, to proliferate this money flow or even to maintain it is simpiy a very Major Disturbance Factor in the community.
Money does not work. Now, in the Phillipines, the Dole Fruit Company offers cheap plastic articles in exchange for land titles. Until the late 1960s in Australia, people would only sell goods to Aboriginal people for land titles. Today in Alice Springs you can stand outside an art gallery and for about a flagon of wine get a line traditional painting. That is what makes this so attractive to racists. They can get lots of money being near the contact area. So it is an area to enrich yourself.
Very often, work with people in the Third World is most effective in special groups. You teach sections to different groups of people. These are just basic cultural rules. Women go in there to teach women and men here to teach men. The most in are generally the women. Among Aborigines the male mortality is extremely high. They are often the main victims of addiction because they control the money. They are mobile, they travel a lot. Most communities consist of a majority ot women. They are the group to work with and male aid people do not do this.

Some conclusions

There are four basic things needed in communities — clean water, home gardens, settling the dust, proper houses tor inland conditions. None of those has been achieved for Aborigines in Australia. We are just like the world in general. We need to find simple methods for looking after dying people. There is a job to do. It is very simple. Again it is called clean water, home gardens, well designed desert homes, excellent nutrition teaching.
Find those who can help run the community. Monetary needs are minute and modest.Dismantle the whole expensive aid process: all the money disappears into the bureaucracies.
Effective aid lies in feeding modest resources into a community; supporting the people who live and work there; doing excellent research and teaching; living very much as one proposes that others live; respecting language and culture, listening a lot and using just enough money to achieve joint solutions to the basic problems of clean potable water, nutritious food, good housing and to reduce dust in the settlements, all of which are easily achievable.
This presumes goodwill, long term planning and establishing teachers in the community itself. It does not lie in establishing large bureaucracies or in large funds carelessly applied.
I suppose that’s a pretty challenging lecture and no one is going to clap. I gave the same lecture in front of the CSIRO and government aid agencies in Alice Springs and nobody clapped because, by God, there is nothing to congratulate anybody about. No congratulations are in order.

Bill Mollison’s presentation at National Permaculture Designers Conference, Ottord NSW 1985. Transcribed by Lea Harrison. Edited by Rowe Morrow.

 
 

Rear cover, International Permaculture Journal, edition 29, 1988. The ad was for products sold at the Permaculture Epicentre, 113 Enmore Road, Enmore, The Epicentre was home to Permaculture Sydney association where the International Permaculture Journal was produced, courses and workshops held and that was home to Robyn Francis and Denise Sawyer (later of Crystal Waters Permaculture Village in the Sunshine Coast hinterland), as well as to the small permaculture-landscaped rear courtyard. At the time of writing the premises is occupied by Alfalfa House Food Co-op.


Ad in International Permaculture Journal, edition 29, 1988. The ad is evidence that an alternative economics played a substantial part in permaculture in Australia in the 1980s. Earthbank was set up by Australian permaculture practitioners to stimulate the then-new social (aka ‘ethical’) investment industry in which NSW-based investor, Damien Lynch, (1998 story) played a major role. Damien had already started August Investments which invested only in socially and environmentally positive or neutral enterprises.


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